(((The Macedonians get a pat on the head from the "international community" because they have managed to refrain from mayhem. Furthermore, they've managed to install some young, Western-educated technocrats into the goverment. Chalk up one for the Lexus rather than the Olive Tree, I guess.)))
MACEDONIA'S OHRID AGREEMENT IS FIVE YEARS OLD. Macedonia has just marked the fifth anniversary of the Ohrid agreement, which was brokered in August 2001 by U.S. diplomats with EU support. The pact led to the end of armed hostilities between insurgents from the roughly 23 percent ethnic Albanian minority and government forces led by politicians from the ethnic Macedonian majority.
The main underlying principle of the deal was to institutionalize a role guaranteed by law for the Albanians in the public life of the country (see "RFE/RL Balkan Report," August 14, 17, and 24, 2001). This has moved along by fits and starts, but the necessary changes are largely in place as far as the international community is concerned. Only sporadic armed incidents now take place, and these are probably more of a criminal than a political nature
(see "RFE/RL Balkan Report," February 25 and June 10, 2005).
A deep cultural and political divide continues to separate the two communities, however. Their shared political life remains stormy or even confrontational, but the same can often be said about the political tensions within each of the respective ethnic communities. This picture reflects political patterns in much of the
postcommunist Balkans.
But Macedonia continues to hold largely peaceful elections and change governments on the basis of their results. In practice, two coalitions have emerged, which alternate in power. One consists of the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) of outgoing Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski, and the Democratic Union for Integration
(BDI) led by Ali Ahmeti, the former leader of the insurgents.
The second group is made up of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (VMRO-DPMNE) – long led by former Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski and now headed by Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski – and its partner, the Democratic Party of the Albanians (PDSH) of
political veteran Arben Xhafei.
(...)
It is clear from the Ohrid agreement, however, that any stable government led by a primarily ethnic Macedonian party will have to include at least one large primarily ethnic Albanian party in the spirit of inclusion and power sharing. This may change if Macedonia moves in the direction of large, multiethnic parties, but such an era seems a long way off.
For now, Gruevski will head a coalition led by the VMRO-DPMNE and the PDSH that includes five smaller parties and will control at least 65 out of 120 legislative seats. The cabinet was confirmed in office on August 26 after a two-day debate. The vote was 68 in favor with 22 opposed. Most legislators who did not vote belong to the BDI or its smaller ally, the Party of Democratic Prosperity (PPD).
But the new government's most important tasks will not center on the ethnic power balance so much as on issues relating to the economy and to corruption, which is all-pervasive and extends throughout society.
The prime minister also plans to stress membership in the EU and NATO. At least in theory, this is very similar to the agenda of several of his predecessors, who achieved
mixed results.
To show that he means business in tackling these problems, Gruevski placed emphasis on youth, foreign education, and practical experience in putting his cabinet together. The average age is 35, and most have studied or worked abroad. Zoran Stavrevski, who will be deputy prime minister for economic issues, has been working for the
World Bank. Finance Minister Trajko Slavevski has a degree from Harvard. (Patrick Moore)
